Yemen’s internationally recognised Presidential Leadership Council has formally announced a new military campaign aimed at retaking all territory controlled by the Houthi movement, marking one of the most significant escalations in the country’s war since the 2022 truce. President Rashad al-Alimi said armed forces had moved from preparation to active operations after his government concluded that opportunities for de-escalation had been exhausted.
The campaign follows major Houthi battlefield gains, including the seizure last month of the Bab el-Mandeb Strait and about 150 kilometres of Red Sea coastline, according to recent reporting. The Houthis, formally known as Ansar Allah, have controlled Sanaa and large parts of northwestern Yemen since 2014 and have withstood years of military operations by Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates and their Yemeni allies.
What exactly has Rashad al-Alimi ordered Yemen’s armed forces to do?
Al-Alimi said government forces, security services and allied military formations had been instructed to begin operations designed to restore state institutions and extend government control across the country. His government described the campaign as continuing until remaining Houthi-held territory is recovered.
That is a stated political and military objective rather than evidence that government forces possess the ability to achieve nationwide control quickly. Yemen’s armed landscape includes numerous local factions, regional alliances and heavily fortified Houthi positions developed during more than a decade of war.
The campaign should therefore be understood as the declaration of a major offensive, not as confirmation that the territorial outcome has already been decided. Battlefield progress will need to be assessed independently as operations unfold.
Why has control of Bab el-Mandeb become one of the most important objectives in the war?
Bab el-Mandeb sits at the southern entrance to the Red Sea and connects shipping between the Indian Ocean, Suez Canal and Mediterranean. Houthi control of the strait and adjoining coastline gives the movement greater leverage over one of the world’s most important commercial waterways.
Its importance has increased further because disruption around the Strait of Hormuz has already forced governments and shipping companies to reconsider Middle Eastern maritime routes. Instability affecting both Hormuz and Bab el-Mandeb would place pressure on two separate chokepoints critical to international energy and container trade.
The Yemeni government therefore has strategic reasons to prioritise the Red Sea corridor beyond the domestic symbolism of recovering territory. Control affects military resupply, commercial shipping and the wider regional conflict involving Iran, Saudi Arabia and the United States.
How far had Houthi forces advanced before the government declared the counteroffensive?
The Houthis captured Bab el-Mandeb and approximately 150 kilometres of Red Sea coastline during a rapid offensive last month. They have also gained ground around Taiz, where military sources reported advances toward the remaining major road linking the city with Aden.
Taiz is Yemen’s third-largest city and has long been one of the conflict’s most contested areas. Cutting the Taiz-Aden road could significantly complicate civilian supplies and government military logistics.
These gains help explain the timing of al-Alimi’s announcement. The government is responding from a position in which Houthi forces recently held much of the battlefield initiative rather than launching operations after a prolonged period of static front lines.
What role is Saudi Arabia expected to play in the new Yemen offensive?
Al-Alimi explicitly thanked Saudi Arabia for its support and called on regional and international partners to assist government forces. Recent reporting citing people familiar with military preparations indicated Saudi Arabia was expected to play a major aerial role while Yemeni forces conducted much of the ground campaign.
That reported division of roles has not been published as a complete operational plan by Saudi authorities. The United States has also been providing intelligence support to Riyadh’s operations, while other countries are supplying primarily defensive assistance.
The involvement of outside powers creates escalation risk because Yemen’s civil conflict is increasingly intertwined with the wider confrontation between the United States and Iran. Actions originally framed as domestic Yemeni operations can therefore have regional consequences quickly.
What have the Houthis said as government forces begin the new campaign?
The Houthis have continued portraying their military operations as resistance to Saudi and US-linked intervention. As al-Alimi announced the offensive, the movement claimed it had fired ballistic missiles and drones at Saudi Aramco sites in Riyadh and Khurais, saying the attacks responded to Saudi-led strikes inside Yemen.
Saudi Arabia had not immediately confirmed those claimed strikes when the latest reporting was published. The Houthi account should therefore remain clearly attributed rather than treated as established evidence of successful attacks or major damage.
That information gap is common in active conflicts where the warring sides control different communications channels. Claims concerning casualty totals, destroyed equipment or territorial gains will require independent confirmation wherever possible.
How severe is the humanitarian risk if the Yemen war returns to full-scale operations?
Yemen was already experiencing one of the world’s most persistent humanitarian emergencies before the latest escalation. The World Food Programme has said three in four families in parts of the country are going hungry because recent fighting has displaced tens of thousands and disrupted supplies.
A major campaign could worsen food access if roads, ports or distribution networks are blocked. Fighting around Taiz is especially sensitive because hundreds of thousands of civilians live in the city and depend on limited supply routes.
Military gains therefore cannot be assessed solely in territorial terms. The humanitarian cost will depend on whether combatants protect civilian routes, permit aid access and avoid prolonged sieges of populated areas.
What are the key takeaways from Yemen’s new nationwide offensive against the Houthis?
Yemen’s Presidential Leadership Council has officially moved from mobilisation into a declared campaign to retake Houthi-held territory. The announcement follows substantial Houthi advances, including control of Bab el-Mandeb and stretches of the Red Sea coast.
The government’s objective is ambitious and its success is not assured. Saudi support, US intelligence assistance, Houthi missile and drone capabilities and the humanitarian consequences of fighting around major population centres will all influence the campaign.
The war has therefore entered a significantly more dangerous phase. Instead of limited clashes around established front lines, both sides are once again pursuing strategic objectives capable of changing control over major territory and international shipping routes.
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