Canada believes negotiations on a comprehensive economic partnership agreement (CEPA) with India could be concluded before the end of 2026, with energy, nuclear cooperation and critical minerals emerging as major areas of commercial discussion. Canadian International Trade Minister Maninder Sidhu told Reuters during a September 19 visit to Mumbai that Ottawa remained optimistic about completing the agreement in the coming months, while Indian negotiators are expected to travel to Canada for further discussions in October.
The negotiations have already advanced through three completed rounds, with a fourth round taking place around Sidhu’s India visit, according to Global Affairs Canada. Ottawa says the countries share an objective of concluding the talks by the end of 2026 and wants bilateral commerce to reach $70 billion annually by 2030, compared with $30.4 billion in two-way goods and services trade during 2025.
How close are India and Canada to completing a CEPA trade agreement?
Political momentum has increased significantly since Canadian Prime Minister Mark Carney and Indian leaders moved to rebuild economic engagement after an extended period of diplomatic strain. Carney said during a March visit to New Delhi that both sides would aim to conclude a free trade agreement before the end of the year.
Sidhu told Reuters that he was optimistic the timeline remained achievable. Indian negotiators are expected in Canada next month, and political leaders could have another opportunity to assess progress around the Group of 20 summit in December.
A year-end target does not guarantee that every outstanding market-access issue has been settled. Modern trade agreements cover tariffs, services, digital commerce, investment protections, professional mobility, technical standards and dispute mechanisms, meaning difficult issues can remain unresolved even after multiple negotiating rounds.

Why has LNG become an important part of India-Canada trade talks?
Canada has been developing new capacity to export liquefied natural gas from its Pacific coast, giving Asian buyers an alternative source of supply that does not require shipments to travel from the Atlantic side of North America. A Shell-led LNG export facility began operations last year, while several additional Canadian projects remain under development.
Sidhu told Reuters that Canadian officials are discussing both LNG purchases and potential investment by Indian companies in Canadian projects. The latter option would allow buyers to combine long-term supply contracts with ownership stakes, potentially creating stronger security of supply.
For India, the appeal is diversification. The country remains heavily dependent on imported hydrocarbons, and turmoil in the Middle East has reinforced the strategic value of obtaining oil and gas from geographically dispersed suppliers.
Canada, meanwhile, is seeking to diversify exports beyond the United States. The commercial logic therefore runs in both directions: India wants additional energy suppliers, while Canada wants additional large Asian customers.
Could nuclear energy become another pillar of the India-Canada relationship?
Both governments are examining ways to expand nuclear cooperation as India pursues a major increase in low-carbon power generation. Canada has a long history in uranium production, nuclear engineering and CANDU reactor technology, while India operates an established nuclear industry with ambitious plans for additional capacity.
Sidhu told Reuters that he sees opportunities for Canadian companies to participate in the Indian nuclear supply chain. The exact commercial projects have not yet been detailed publicly, meaning the current discussions should be understood as an emerging area of cooperation rather than committed contracts.
Nuclear ties also carry historical significance because India’s early nuclear programme had deep technological links with Canada before relations deteriorated after India’s 1974 nuclear test. The countries subsequently rebuilt civil nuclear cooperation, and renewed commercial engagement could add another layer to that longer history.
Why are Reliance Industries, Mahindra and JSW looking at Canadian critical minerals?
Sidhu told Reuters that large Indian groups including Reliance Industries, Mahindra and Mahindra and JSW Group are examining investments in Canadian critical-mineral projects. He did not identify specific projects or investment amounts, so these discussions remain exploratory rather than announced transactions.
The strategic motivation is straightforward. Batteries, electric vehicles, renewable-energy systems, electronics and defence manufacturing all depend on minerals whose production and processing are concentrated in relatively few countries.
Indian companies increasingly want direct access to upstream deposits or long-term offtake arrangements rather than relying exclusively on spot markets. Canada possesses significant resources across commodities such as nickel, lithium, cobalt, copper, uranium and rare earth elements, making it a natural partner for supply-chain diversification.
How large could India-Canada trade become if a deal is completed?
Global Affairs Canada said bilateral trade in goods and services totalled $30.4 billion in 2025, including $13.6 billion of merchandise trade. Ottawa has set a goal of doubling two-way trade to $70 billion annually by 2030 as part of its wider effort to reduce dependence on the United States.
Meeting that target would require growth well beyond simply reducing tariffs on existing products. Energy purchases, investment flows, financial services, technology, education, agriculture, critical minerals and professional services would all need to contribute.
A comprehensive trade agreement could lower barriers, but businesses would still determine whether the theoretical market access translates into actual transactions. Infrastructure also matters, particularly port and LNG-export capacity in Canada and receiving terminals and long-term purchasing contracts in India.
What political obstacles could still complicate an India-Canada agreement?
India and Canada have spent several years managing serious diplomatic tensions, meaning improved trade relations do not automatically eliminate disagreements in security or foreign policy. The renewed negotiations indicate that both governments are attempting to separate commercially useful cooperation from areas where political differences remain.
That approach can work when companies and governments see strong mutual economic benefits, but trade agreements require sustained political support through negotiation, signing and domestic implementation. A new diplomatic dispute could slow the process even if technical negotiators have already settled large portions of the agreement.
The speed of the current timetable therefore reflects political ambition as much as technical progress.
What are the key takeaways from the India-Canada CEPA negotiations?
The two governments have now completed three negotiating rounds, are advancing a fourth and continue to publicly target the end of 2026 for conclusion of the agreement. Canada wants two-way trade to reach $70 billion annually by 2030, more than twice the $30.4 billion recorded in 2025.
Energy has emerged as one of the strongest commercial bridges. LNG supply, nuclear technology and Indian investment in Canadian critical minerals could make the relationship far more strategically significant than a conventional tariff-reduction agreement.
What would make an India-Canada trade agreement economically consequential?
The agreement becomes materially important if it converts diplomatic normalisation into long-duration commercial commitments. Indian participation in Canadian LNG and mineral projects would create physical supply-chain links lasting decades, while Canadian participation in India’s nuclear and infrastructure expansion would deepen investment beyond merchandise trade.
That is why the next negotiating rounds matter more than political optimism alone. A year-end announcement would be significant, but the durability of the economic relationship will ultimately be measured by investment decisions, supply contracts and the extent to which companies on both sides actually use the access created by the agreement.
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